The papers in this volume address the interplay of factors underlying the formation of intermediate varieties in the ‘dialect-standard’ landscape of present-day Europe. Research is presented on varieties of several different languages (Norwegian, Dutch, German, Italian, Spanish, Greek), on speech communities with different (geo)political and sociolinguistic histories, as well as on previously unexplored sociolinguistic situations. The contributions all share the twin characteristics of (a) robust scrutiny of structural variation and its links to both structural-systemic parameters and extralinguistic variables and (b) nuanced approaches to macro- and micro- level categories, with the requisite theoretical and methodological fine-tuning. While focusing on different languages/language... groups, the papers in this volume share the common foci of bringing together structural and sociolinguistic considerations and of the concomitant necessary revisiting of methodologies. The data and analyses presented yield a firmer and more nuanced understanding of the dynamic permutations of cross-dialectal and dialect-to-standard convergence and the formation of intermediate varieties in different yet comparable contexts.;;This chapter examines diverging tendencies towards vertical convergence in different parts of Norway and patterns of emergence and enregisterment of intermediate regional varieties – at the level of language use, but particularly at the level of perception. Over the last decades the Norwegian language space has undergone substantial restructuring, partly due to increasing mobility, urbanisation and globalisation. More dialect and language contact has led to increased dialect levelling, dialect shift, bi-dialectism, emergence of koinai , multiethnolectal speech styles and possibly also intermediate regional varieties. While previous studies suggest that regional lects may be emerging, this paper presents arguments on the basis of results from a recent large-scale study, as well as other recent work, to the effect that these still seem to remain structurally relatively incoherent, unfocussed and unstable and have little indexical value or symbolic significance.;;Two studies of processes of dialect levelling are presented. The first one concerns a divergent local Limburg dialect of Dutch. The second study concerns 15 local Hollandic dialects, spoken in the northwestern corner of the country. Whereas the Limburg study is based on data from the authors’ fieldwork recordings, the Hollandic investigation is based on questionnaire data from two huge (equally fieldwork-based) projects. The Limburg study focusses on 20 dialect features (in the phonological, morphological and syntactic modules) and allows for apparent time comparisons, while the Hollandic research permits real time comparisons of the variation in 7 features in the phonological and morphosyntactic components. For both studies the data were elicited from individual speakers. The dialects in both areas appear to arrive at their own unique selection of non-standard features. Despite the many differences and despite the fact that the dialect situations differ in several respects, the findings of both studies converge in the sense that the resistant phenomena share properties pertaining to their relative geographical distribution, their socio-emblematic nature and, internally, to the architecture of language components, the conditioning/regularity of the phenomena as well as their mutual coherence, both structurally and statistically.;;Dynamic linguistic processes between the old German local dialects and the much younger German standard language are currently being studied intensely, revealing some clear results: The structures of the vertical variation spaces differ according to the dialect area. These different shapes can basically be explained by a linguistic factor, the relationship between Standard German and the different dialects. This relationship determines the type and number of non-standard variants remaining the speakers’ best attempts to pronounce Standard German. These variants form the basic linguistic inventory of the intermediate regiolect varieties. On the basis of further studies reciprocal effects between variety use and other forms of social action can be observed, resulting in a high amount of stability of the intermediate regiolect varieties.;;Like in most European speech communities, the loss of rural dialects and the emergence of regional varieties could also be observed within the German speaking area since at least the 19th century. Previous research on mechanisms influencing the selection process of dialect features was mainly carried out on a theoretical level. This paper aims at contributing an empirical component by presenting the results of a study with focus on selection mechanisms of phonological dialect features in southwest Germany. It will be argued that similarity to the standard, geographical spread, grammatical function and frequency are factors of major importance regarding the chance of survival of dialect features during their transition from rural dialects to regional standard contexts. Of the seven phonological phenomena analysed, in the end only one clearly remains: /s/-palatalisation. Interestingly, this feature does not necessarily possess positive social salience, but is apparently hard to abandon for speakers from the Southwest.;;This paper deals with the selection of morphosyntactic features in Italo-Romance. Firstly, a brief overview will be provided of the language space between traditional dialects and the standard variety of Italian, with particular emphasis on how this space is shaped differently across Italo-Romance. Next, the main dynamics underlying the inclusion of dialect features within the standard will be considered through the analysis of a representative case, i.e. the behaviour of the Italian negative particle mica (< Latin MICAM ‘crumb’) in declarative clauses. Drawing on both previous literature and corpus-based data, the focus will fall on the reasons why some uses of mica are selected as standard and others are not. Special attention will be paid to the role of salience as both a facilitating and a constraining factor.;;The aim of this chapter is to claim that the emergence of a new intermediate variety in the space between standard Castilian Spanish and vernacular varieties from Andalusia is based on a new identity that blends, on the one hand, the individual’s orientation towards modern life, urbanisation and standardness and, on the other hand, faithfulness to the southern traditional community values. In fact, linguistic features shaping this intermediate variety – including split of southern consonant mergers and preservation of the southern erosive changes affecting consonants in coda position – go far beyond phonology and correlate in such a way that it is conceivable to assume the existence of a socially and perceptually coherent variety that can be considered as an alternative to the regional standard from Seville. To prove this, multivariate analyses of phonological, morphological, syntactic and lexical variables have been carried out in the context of a research project including southern (Granada, Malaga, Seville) and central (Madrid) urban areas. Results confirm that this variety is mainly spoken by young urban middle-class standard-oriented speakers who do not identify with the traditional southern way of life.1;;The study of the changes that are taking place in European dialects reveals the existence of opposing tendencies: convergent, leading to homogenisation, and divergent, promoting diversity. This paper aims to analyse the function of a series of linguistic and social factors that constrain the alternation between the lax and tense variants of the plosive palatal /c/ in Canarian Spanish, lax /c/ being the traditional form and tense /c/ being the innovative variant. The new form, [cʃ], can be considered as an interdialectal or hybrid variant, since it contains features from from the corresponding standard form, /tʃ/, and the vernacular one, /c/. The analysis of sociolinguistic factors enables a more precise understanding of the way in which the hybrid variant contributes to delaying the language homogenisation observed in other levels of the dialect.;;This contribution examines some cases of arrested convergence to the standard variety in Cypriot Greek, the ‘L’ variety in Cyprus’ diglossic context; we explore some of the reasons why full convergence of the Cypriot Greek koine to Standard Greek does not take place and why certain dialect features which are marked and/or perceived as ‘odd’ or exceptional have found their way into the koine . The paper presents quantitative findings from rating surveys and elicitation tasks targeting phonological, syntactic and semantic phenomena: (1) the predominance of clefting, the Cypriot strategy for syntactic focusing, in lieu of focus movement, the Standard Greek strategy for syntactic focusing; (2) the semantic and pragmatic properties of innovative Past Perfect, which suggest that it is construed as a bona fide Cypriot Greek [+past] tense, despite morphological and phonological innovation; (3) the survival and spread of variants such as the palatal [ʝː] in lieu of the standard-like [ʎː], or the preservation of old ones, a typical case being the shibbolethal, basilectal [ç]. The data highlight the intricate interplay of structural and sociolinguistic factors, which attests to the complexity of the processes of koine formation.;;This paper adopts a social networks approach to investigate language variation and maintenance in Cypriot Romeika, a Greek variety spoken by an enclave community of Turkish Cypriots situated in Northern Cyprus. The variety, which has been in isolation for many decades due to political reasons, did not undergo the koineisation processes that took place in Cypriot Greek and thus not only has it preserved “archaic” phenomena that are unavailable in the Cypriot Greek koine , but it also includes several intradialectal geographical isoglosses that were available prior to koineisation. This paper presents the history of the community and its language and discusses why this linguistic situation has voided the processes of koineisation at work in the rest of the Greek-speaking parts of the island. It further explores the sociolinguistic factors involved in language maintenance, including the strong ties between language and identity, and the use of Cypriot Romeika as the language of the home, as well as the attitudes of its speakers towards the Cypriot Greek koine.